IVAN VAN SERTIMA – THEY CAME BEFORE COLUMBUS,
THE AFRICAN PRESENCE IN ANCIENT AMERICA
– 1976
The book is old in the field it
is considering. The last twenty years have completely transformed our vision of
what happened in the world after the end of the Ice Age, or even after the
small icy episode between 10,800 and 9,600 BC. The concept of Neolithic
revolution invented in the 1920s by the extreme Marxist V. Gordon Childe is
today completely outdated and considered more and more as a perversion of
history. Even the concept of prehistory based on the only consideration of the
existence of writing systems is falling apart because that concept would mean
Africa started having a history when in the 19th century, if not 20th
century European colonists started writing African languages that were
absolutely and only oral in spite of thirteen centuries of Arab and Moslem
influence.
BLACK AFRICA’S HISTORY
This book was salvational in many
ways at the time of its publication. It asserted the historical participation of
Black Africa as far back as the birth of the Egyptian civilization. It insists
on the leading role it played in some periods and it tries to find out in what
periods there existed contact between Black Africa and the Americas. We cannot of course
reproach the author with what he could not know in 1976. He could not know
Gobekli Tepe, the surrounding settlements, the Natufian villages, etc., all
going back to 12,000 years BC which is more than 6,000 or 7,000 years before
the Egyptian civilization and 9,000 before the invention of the first known
writing system in the Middle East, the Sumerian writing system too often
identified as the Akkadian cuneiform writing system because the scribes were
Akkadian speaking a Semitic language though the language was Sumerian, a
synthetic-analytical language, probably post-agglutinative. Something like
100,000 years part in linguistic phylogeny.
The book is thus essential. The
author insists on and explores the role Semitic Egyptians, Semitic Phoenicians,
Black Nubians (he does not specify their languages), Black West Sudanese (he
does speak of their languages and quotes essentially Bambara, Malinke and
Peul). Most of the languages spoken by these Black populations were of the
synthetic-analytical type known as Bantu languages, though Peul is slightly
different. In that perspective he insists on the Mali or Mandigo Empire founded in
1234 by Sundiata. He does not specify it was after the defeat of the Sosso
animists who used to be enslaved in the previous Moslem society and had
rebelled and conquered power over these Moslems. The creation of the Mali Empire
is the final success of Islam in this region which will bring the famous
Kurukan Fuga Charter in 1240 or just after, legalizing the existence of slavery
(that could not concern Moslems) that was re-imposed onto the animists. This
Charter was only rediscovered in 2004. But the author ignores completely the
problem of slavery in Africa and particularly
the slave trade from Black Africa to the Arab and Moslem world in those centuries.
In other words Black Africa provided slaves in exchange for Arab goods, like
tobacco if the author is right.
The book reopens the history of
Black Africa but it does not consider some essential elements like slavery,
slave trade and slave markets, not to speak of Islam and the direct
consequences it had on Black Africa.
BLACK AFRICA AND AMERICA
BEFORE COLUMBUS
Van Sertima explores and gives
all the evidence he can find about three contact periods.
The first one is between 800 and
700 BC, during the 25th dynasty of the Egyptian Pharaonic
civilization. At that time the Blacks from Nubia
had managed to reunify the two Upper and Lower Egypts
and to get the Assyrians away for a time. They needed metals to develop their
war power in front of the Assyrians. The Semitic Phoenicians mastered the
metallurgy technology like the Assyrians (all of these speaking Indo-European
languages at the time and conquering the Semitic peoples, like the Jews among
others). But Egypt was
metal-poor and they asked the Phoenicians to use their sailing abilities to
look for metal beyond the Mediterranean, going
west. The soldiers provided by the Black Pharaohs were Blacks from Nubia.
Van Sertima asserts that the
sudden development of the Olmec civilization in Mesoamerica was due to this
contact established in Mexico.
It would have been these Egyptians, Nubians and Phoenicians who would have
brought to America
the technology to build step pyramids, and many other things including some
seeds. These merchants would have been behind the development of the cult of
Quetzalcoatl, at least the black version of it, though the author does not
explain why there was a mongoloid version up in Peru. He states that the Olmecs
were developed at the time but he does not specify in what fields and how,
except an allusion to agricultural development but with no precision
whatsoever. The Olmecs were only on the receiving side. And the myth of the
departure of Quetzalcoatl is typical: it is when these merchants finally left.
Without saying so, the author implies that the Maya writing system using what
he calls hieroglyphs, and some are supposed to be similar to Egyptian
hieroglyphs, is in fact inspired from the Egyptian writing system. The strange
thing is that Phoenicians had managed to develop an alphabet from that of
Semitic languages at the time by adding vowels to the Semitic consonants. We
even could think that they may have been able to use the old Sumerian writing
system that was invented for commerce and that was still used at the time. Why
the old Egyptian writing system, and not the more advanced ones present on the
Rosetta stone for example, we do not know, I mean the author does not consider
the question. As for seeing some similitude between the old Egyptian
hieroglyphs and the Maya very pictorial representations, it seems to me
slightly farfetched. The fact that the sun is represented by a circle in both
systems is in no way a proof because the sun is round as everyone knows, even for
small children who draw the sun. It is not even a “human” universal. It is a
plain fact and if we used Can Sertima’s kind of reasoning the letter “O” would
be a representation of the sun.
The most important thing is of
course the discovery of the gigantic Negroid heads in Olmec country from La
Venta onward. One at least of these Negroid heads is designed to be an altar,
including with a special “speaking device” to make it some kind of prophesying
divine voice or mouthpiece. He gives an interesting set of figures. In Tlatilco
in a pre-classic Olmec cemetery he says 13.5% of skeletons were pure Negroid
whereas in the later classic period only 4.5% of them were still pure Negroid.
The conclusion is correct: the Blacks who arrived then were males and they at
once intermarried with local women. That means that in a few generation’s time
the black minority became genetically integrated. DNA would be necessary to
determine the proportion of Black genes in the total population, probably
outreaching to everyone.
He more or less endorses that
these Black Egyptians and their Phoenician sailors would have brought to
America the ferment of their development with: massive organization of labor (I
would prefer speaking of division of labor and it would be necessary to clearly
say the Olmecs were agriculturalists though the book does not say at what
level: more about it later); a trade network; ceremonial centers and pyramids;
colossal sculptures; relief carving; wall painting; orientation of structures
(towards sun, moon and stars); gods and religious symbolism; obsession with
Underworld; representation of foreign racial types; hieroglyphic writing and
scribes; seals and rings; use of iron; and even some more, particularly
mummification of the dead and burial procedures with food, slaves, animals,
wives, etc.
The great problem here is of
course the non-exploration of the level of civilization reached by the Olmecs
before this contact, and the mistake that was absolutely common in 1976: the
belief in the Neolithic agricultural revolution entirely proved false as I have
said before and will discuss in more detail later
WESTERN AFRICAN CONTACT PERIODS
The other contact periods are twenty
centuries later and come from the Mali Empire.
1310-1311 and the Mandigo
Journey, when Abubakari II (1307-1311), the emperor of Mali, abdicates from his throne to
go on a journey from which he will never come back. The journey was a sea
voyage to the west starting of course from the west coast of Africa.
Then 1462-1492 and the Songhay
traders from the same African west coast.
In spite of the Olmec development
asserted before these contacts with Muslim Mali would have been necessary to
provide America
with the cotton seeds needed to produce the American hybrids that appeared
then. It would have brought bananas, a seedless fruit that can only be
reproduced by transplanting the root stocks after division, hence these traders
would have brought banana root stocks, preferably dried out after division and
before transplantation. They would have brought what the author calls gourds
which are of various types, including the bottle ones used as vessels for
various liquids or activities, including music. It would have brought yams that
can reproduce easily by cutting up one plant and planting the pieces. Finally
it could have brought tobacco that is attributed to the Arabs, at least when
considering its propagation in Black Africa.
We wonder then what the Americans
had to live on before. Even the beans are considered only in the light of one
particular type that was imported from Africa to the Americas.
The point is that the mention of
some purely American plants is short and partial. He speaks of pumpkins (but
not of many other squash), of maize (without explaining how it was genetically
produced since it cannot reproduce itself naturally), and that’s all. We were
expecting some mention of tomatoes, chili peppers and other peppers in that
line, potatoes in the form we know or as Ocas known as Indian potatoes and
coming from Peru, etc. In other words the agricultural vision of America is so
deficient that these Indians seem to be deeply primitive if not barbaric. They
had an agriculture. They did not wait for anyone to bring it. They had had
their Neolithic agricultural evolution with the plants that were at their
disposal, and there were many.
THE LINGUISTIC SHORTCOMING
It is not enough to say that two
words look alike to conclude they are connected. Popular etymology is famous
about that and we should all know that a Tower of London’s
Beefeater is a man who eats beef and that’s why he is dressed mostly in red.
Unluckily the real origin is the French word “buffetier” that simply means
“butler” and here he was the man who was receiving food and drinks for the
King.
He easily compares Arabic words
and Bambara (or other West African languages) words and then Maya (and other
Mesoamerican or northern American languages) words. He does not specify that
Arabic is a Semitic language based on consonantal roots meaning that words are
purely discursive and cannot in anyway be cut up in syllables, as the author does.
On the other hand Bambara or Malinke are Bantu languages based on word semantic
classes that can go through declensions or conjugations and yet do not seem to
have developed syntactic cases or at least a full set of them. Yet these
languages work a lot on concatenation that sets the specifier after the main
“noun” if it is a noun. The examples he gives about Maya show that it is
probably a synthetic analytical language too but having reached a more complex
syntax since they build compounds with the specifier in front of the specified
main “noun.”
In Malinke the “werewolf” (the
man who is an animal predator) is a nama-koro in which “nama” is a wiseman, and
“koro” is a “hyena” and thus this “werewolf” a “hyena wise man”. We note we
have a simple concatenation in which the two elements could be connected by a
BE copula, if it existed in the 15th century, or by any spatial preposition
that would express the connection from the main term first to the specifier
second. Let me give an example in modern Lingala:
“mondele makasi” is the
concatenation of “mondele that means “a European” and “makasi” that means
“power” or “force.” We could have a BE copula but it is not the most common
way, or we could have a spatial preposition and say “mondele na makasi” and
this construction is common. But the simple concatenation is the most common
way. Translating would be misleading since it would produce: “Europeans are
strong” or “Europeans have power.” The second is all the more pregnant because
the use of the preposition “na” before the predicative element of the copula BE
produces a relation equivalent to the copula HAVE. What is important here is
the direction N1 à
N2.
Now if we consider the Nahuatl
word for “werewolf” we get “coyotli-naual” composed of “coyotli” for “coyote”
and “naual” meaning “wise man” from the root “na-“ meaning “knowledge” or
anything connected to knowledge and intelligence, including magic. By the way
the author declares this root absent in Nahuatl in spite of its presence in the
name of the language, (the language of) those who know, those who have the
knowledge. This is a small but revealing contradiction in the book. Pocahontas
is from a tribe whose name means exactly the same thing: “Powhatan” and the
similitude of “pow” with the English “power” does not imply at all any
connection even though the meaning is the same. We can observe in
“coyotli-naual” that the order of the elements produces a compound: N2 à
N1, the specified main term second and preceded by the specifier. This is the
standard composition order in Germanic languages for examples. Languages that
build their compounds in the other direction like French will generally use a
prepositional element to connect the two items: “moulin-à-café” (coffee grinder), “livre-de-classe” (school book) etc.
It is common when two languages
are in contact that one borrows words from the other (we are not talking of the
English case in which two languages were so much in contact that they creolized
one another (Anglo-Saxon and Norman French) to produce a third one. But when
two languages of different level of syntactic and morphological organizations borrow
words there are special rules that would imply the passage from one language to
the other. In oral languages for example the borrowed word would change
completely its pronunciation and eventually its spelling and writing if the
borrowing language is written. Otherwise the syntax and morphology of the
borrowing language is imposed onto the borrowed element. It is the case here,
if “coyotli-naual” is originally borrowed: shift from pure concatenation to
composition.
DIRECT TRANSFER FROM EGTPTIAN CULTURE
But in fact this neglect of the
linguistic logic of such phenomena comes from a systematic translative procedure
from
Egypt, the Arab world
or Western Africa to
America.
Quetzacoatl, who would deserve a lot more than this side remark is a typical
case. The author reduces the association of the snake and the bird to Egyptian
symbols and to a mythological fight between an eagle, or a hawk, and a snake,
the snake being Seth and the Falcon being Horus. But, first that’s late in
Egyptian mythology, and second I could not find anywhere a Seth identified as a
snake. The
Encyclopædia Britannica
says: “
Seth was represented as a composite
figure, with a canine body, slanting eyes, square-tipped ears, tufted (in
later representations, forked) tail, and a long, curved, pointed snout; various
animals (including aardvark, antelope, ass, camel, fennec, greyhound, jackal, jerboa, long-snouted mouse, okapi, oryx, and pig)
have been suggested as the basis for his form.” The fight between an eagle and
a snake localized on the east coast of Mexico probably has no Egyptian
root. I found one drastic serpent in Evolution of the Dragon, by
G. Elliot Smith, [1919],
http://www.sacred-texts.com/lcr/eod/eod46.htm.
THE
SERPENT AND THE LIONESS.
When the development of the story of the Destruction of Mankind
necessitated the finding of a human sacrifice and drove the Great Mother to
homicide, this side of her character was symbolized by identifying her with a
man-slaying lion and the venomous uræus-serpent.
She had previously been represented by such beneficent
food-providing and life-sustaining creatures as the cow, the sow, and the
gazelle (antelope or deer): but when she developed into a malevolent creature
and became the destroyer of mankind it was appropriate that she should assume
the form of such man-destroyers as the lion and the cobra.
[…] The identification of the destroying-goddess with the moon,
"the Eye of the Sun-god," prepared the way for the rationalization of
her character as a uræus-serpent spitting venom and the sun's Eye spitting fire
at the Sun-god's enemies. Such was the goddess of Buto in Lower
Egypt, whose uræus-symbol was worn on the king's forehead, and was
misinterpreted by the Greeks as not merely a symbolic "eye," but an
actual median eye upon the king's or the god's forehead.
[…] But the uræus was not merely the goddess who destroyed the
king's enemies and the emblem of his kingship: in course of time the Cobra
became identified with the ruler himself and the dead king, who was the god
Osiris. When this happened the snake acquired the god's reputation of being the
controller of water.
But
Seth cannot be seen as that serpent since Seth is the treacherous brother of
Osiris.
In
the same way the calendar with twelve months is not at all the original
calendar of the Middle East. The original one
was lunar and had thirteen months, just the same way as the Zodiac was divided
into thirteen signs and not twelve. The one that should be added is Ophiuchus,
the Serpent Holder that was still present in Europe, for example, in the
thirteenth century and beyond: it was present with the other twelve on the
outside walls of the Abbey Church of Issoire in France built in the 12th
century, for one example. Native Americans, particularly Mesoamericans and
South Americans, Mayas, Aztecs, Olmecs, Incas, etc, who worshipped the sun
naturally had a solar calendar with twelve months. The shift from the lunar calendar
to the solar calendar in the Middle East and Egypt is relatively recent. The
author does not seem to know this fact. It is also a shift from the dominant
female element in the divine world to the dominant male world. This is codified
in old Mesopotamian mythology on the Sumerian tablets or in the oldest Vedas:
the victory of Ninurta over the treacherous Anzu and the victory of Indra over
Vrtra, of the male god over the female ancient mother-goddess take some
demented size. But all that has little to do with Quetzalcoatl that comes from
a completely different tradition. Quetzalcoatl cannot be compared to the dragon
of this Sumerian and vedic traditions, nor with the defeat of the great mother.
Van
Sertima has the tendency to simply compare the surface of things and to draw
final conclusion from some resemblance that can easily be questioned anyway. He
started with words and he moved to representations of gods. We cannot see man
working in his fight to survive and develop. The world is totally meachanical
and we cannot know how this or that human phenomenon has been developed by man
himself.
HOMO SAPIENS AND THE MIND
This
linguistic shortcoming is so common that we could consider the author just
followed the main trend in his days. Even still in 2011, the author Charles C.
Mann writes in National Geographic a
basic article on Gobekli Tepe and he falls in the trap. Many anthropologists
and archaeologists fall in that trap because they have no linguistic training
and they do not understand how the human mind works. In spite of all, and in
spite of Sally McBrearty Charles C. Mann questions the Neolithic Revolution and
yet speaks as if it did exist and as if there was before and after and as if
that was a short fast systematic radical change that occurred only in the
Levant and the Fertile Crescent to spread afterwards to the rest of the world.
This is so absurd that we wonder who was in 2011 the editor in chief of National Geographic to let such a
ridiculous idea go through, especially with Gobekli Tepe and what Klaus
Schmidt, the archaeologist responsible for this site, says: “ I think what we
are learning is that civilization is a product of the human mind.” And Mann
reduces that to religion of course, to the assertion that Gobekli Tepe is the
oldest construction of the type, is the first human construction of the type,
is the unique human construction of the type and of that age, hence is the
center of the Neolithic transformation in the whole world.
There
is no mind without a language. The mind is a construct based on the brain, the
nervous system and the sensori-motor system and that mind cannot construct
itself without language. Human articulated language is a collateral side-effect
of the respiratory, articulatory and neural-neuronal mutations that enabled
Homo Sapiens to be a fast long-distance bipedal runner (his only chance to
survive).
The
brain works in such a way that any item is identified as a pattern or set of
patterns, then recognized as such and this process finds in the mind the tool
it needs to name it. This implies a mental picture of the item and the first
stage of a concept, of conceptualization.
Homo
Sapiens could never have survived if he had not been able to develop that
conceptualization. Consequently man is able to observe the world and build a
conceptualized model of it in his mind. That leads to science. Consequently man
is able to experiment and conceptualize the projects and the results of this
experimentation. That leads to inventions, discoveries, development. Consequently
man is able to speculate on what he sees. That leads to art, philosophy,
religion. The three go together. It is vain to pretend observation,
experimentation and speculation come in a certain logical or even hierarchical
order. The three develop together in the mind.
There
would have been no migrations within Africa and then out of Africa
without this mind and these three levels of conceptualization. To migrate they
had to know the sky, the stars, the moon, the sun, etc. To survive, and then
migrate, they had to control fire, to invent hunting techniques and weapons, to
invent fishing and to invent numerous tools.
When
we come to agriculture after the Ice Age we do not understand that man had to
go through a very long process of mental work to invent agriculture and that it
probably started before the Ice Age, but it definitely became something basic
after the Ice Age, that is to say when the ice was receding and melting, when
water was liberated in the rivers and rising in the ocean, when the climate
finally changed and that invention of agriculture happened in many places in
the world: West Africa and the Niger river, Middle East and Levant and its two
main Tigris and Euphrates rivers, India and the two main Ganges and Indus rivers,
Yunnan and its three main Yangtze, Mekong and Salween rivers, Mexico and New
Mexico and its many rivers, among others the Rio Grande, not to speak of the
Mississippi or the Amazon River. And there might have been other places where
big rivers existed. Each zone developed its own agriculture based on some
cereals. What I am interested in here is Mexico and the basic plants they
used in their agricultural transition. Some are simple like: pumpkins and other
squashes, tomatoes, beans, chili pepper, potatoes and ocas, grapefruit, avocadoes,
etc. That Tobacco was in this batch or not does not matter.
But
the only one I did not list here is the essential one because it is going to
explain how this agriculture can develop mentally.
MAIZE AND THE INVENTION OF AGRICULTURE
Maize,
from Arawak mahiz, is unique because it is the only cultivated cereal that
cannot reproduce itself by itself. It needs corn shucking and then the grains
have to be plucked by hand or with a machine but always by man. How did the
Indians managed to produce this cereal that cannot reproduce naturally?
First
you must observe and come to the identification of seeds and the power of these
seeds: to produce a new plant. You must observe germination and you must invent
cultivation. You have to learn how to till the land before sowing, then you
sow, then you water, then you weed, then you take care of the plants, etc. Homo
Sapiens does not know anything about that. He has to observe and conceptualize
these things and he has to experiment to find out that the cultivated result is
better than the wild result, both product and output. And yet he has to observe
pollination and understand the important value of it. Then by accident he may
have planted the seeds of different types of the same plant together and by
accident produced the pollination of one by the other and many of these
hybridizations may have produced the maize we know. What we don’t understand is
that each step of this line of conduct takes generations and generations of
human intelligence. It takes a lot of time, not one or two centuries but
millennia.
The
Mesoamerican Indians who produced this man-made cereal must have spent
millennia to develop it little by little, year after year or should I say
century after century. I do not refer to mutations here but to a practical way
to experiment and to produce these mutations by the simple – and only – way
they had at their disposal, hybridization, though they new nothing of it. And
they had to observe it, experiment on it and speculate about it to get to the
plant we know today.
So
Van Sertima has it both right in the intention and false in the implementation.
He misses the point. He wants to over-prove the role of Black Africans but he
forgets that over-proving proves nothing and that any human phenomenon is
necessarily dialectical. There is no progress coming from something imposed
onto you. You need to be ready to integrate and develop what is brought to you,
hence you need to have reached a high level of development to be able to
integrate anything productively. And at the same time you cannot integrate
something new from outside if you do not provide this outsider with something
that is new for him. In fact the process Van Sertima presents is more a
colonizing process than a real human collaborative process.
CONCLUSIONS
There
are thousands of other elements that should be discussed but then I would be
beyond reason. My conclusions here are going to be simple.
Gobekli
Tepe has completely transformed our vision of the emergence of Homo Sapiens and
modern humanity.
We
cannot understand that emergence without taking into account what the human
mind is. Development was first of all mental and that mental dimension could
not exist without language. Hence we have to consider everything in the light
of mental processes and linguistic tools, limitations and potentials.
If
we keep in mind the observe-experiment-speculate line or direction as being a
threefold and yet unified stance and vision we may understand that there is no
development possible without the three of them at the same time. Maybe not in
every human but in every community.
We
come here to the necessary division of labor that is indispensable for humanity
to survive at first (children have to be taken care of for five years) and to
develop afterwards. Gobekli Tepe shows that without a division of labor, some
being craftsmen with special skills, some being visionary people who are
designing and managing the building of the structure, some being the providers
of these, providers of water and food, providers of raw material like stone,
providers of manpower when necessary, the project would never have existed and
lasted nearly two thousand years.
This
project needed a special economy to be viable: agriculture is contained in the
project as a necessity not under that name but under the simple need to produce
more per worker in order to take care of those who did not produce food and had
to be fed.
This
implies a power structure and no one can say if it existed before or if it was
invented during the construction. But please do not make Mann’s mistake. This
is the first structure of the type we have found. There is no reason to think
it is the only one in the world. Do we know what happened in Asia with the
people of the second migration that produced on the basis of a second
articulation language all the isolating languages of Asia?
We hardly know the original civilization of Tibet
before the Buddhists who were kicked out of India invaded it and colonized it.
The civilization at stake is the Bon civilization and religion. What do we know
about it except that they were a human blood drinking civilization, like the
Olmecs and a few others in America
in those very distant times? The least we can say is that we know little about
Tibet around 4,000 or 5,000 BC, not to speak of 10,000 BC, escept that it must
have been entirely covered with ice. And what about Yunnan? And what about Mongolia?
It
is tempting to be vain enough to clamor we have found the original point of
human emergence, the Garden of Eden of humanity. We are still living on old
Sumerian, Zoroastrian, Biblical, Quranic, Hindu and even Buddhist illusions,
though the Buddha always said that the origin point is not important, what is
important is the point we are targeting with our mind, it is nibbana. Let’s
target the balanced development of humanity and every member of it.
Dr
Jacques COULARDEAU
# posted by Dr. Jacques COULARDEAU @ 9:40 AM